Aboriginal Identity In Australia

Aboriginal Identity In Australia At its very core, this paper is interested in Aboriginal identity in Australia; the principle concern is to analyse in-depth, the relationships between their cultural identity and the land. One of the main issues that face Aboriginal people in contemporary Australia has indisputably been the arrival of white settlers in the 18th Century. The events that have followed over the past 200 years have led to generations of disputes, degradation and ultimately the loss of land by the Indigenous people. Thousands of Indigenous people were killed and the survivors were simply put in reserves; their homeland have been exploited and resources taken without consent. First and foremost, it must be made clear that the literature review here is as much about defining and understanding what Aboriginal geography is as much as providing a rigorous demonstration of the current issues of Aboriginal land rights and identity through views of both Aboriginal and non Aboriginal peoples. The aim therefore, is wholly about ensuring that the background of indigenous Australians is understood which will then put into perspective the context of the research project that follows, in Chapter 4. This review will geographically encompass the cultural issues and differences Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals have faced in recent history with reference to the effect of Aboriginal land rights on identity; a discussion of key texts from Gumbert and Maddock will allow a solid focus and reference point for the research. This will not only ensure that seemingly broad generalisations are eliminated but will also allow an in-depth understanding of why such research is necessary for a successful future regarding these issues. By this, the paper refers to the reconciliation of the Aboriginal race from the apparent generations of wrong doing by the colonisers. The great importance in assessing the impacts on identity of such events in the modern day means there must be a level of understanding for the political and historical background of white settlement in Australia, meaning the nature of Australian colonisation and the struggles that have been part of the defining nature of the Aboriginal culture today will be thoroughly explored. The review and investigation that follow explores the difference in Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal values, knowledge systems and attitudes towards each other and the contested landscape. There is of course, a further need to examine these issues in more than one context to ensure that the argument does not simply generalise and stereotype Aboriginal communities across Australia. Therefore, the review will not only discuss the history of land issues and identity creation but also discuss them in relation to the two knowledge systems involved in this process: that is, the separate concerns of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people of Australia. Clearly, over the countrys history, there has been a phenomenal difference in the way that the two groups view land and the link between the two is paramount to future development for an understanding between the two groups of people. Academic Context In light of the papers aims, the predominant classification that must be addressed is the very definition of an Aboriginal person. Lenzerini (2008, p.75) notes that the term Aboriginal encompasses an infinite variety of diverse realities that sometimes greatly differ with each other. A definition must be made despite this; a commonly accepted definition of Aboriginal people is written by Cobo (1986). It states that Aboriginal: communities, people and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from the other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those territories , or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to the future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity , as a basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system. This definition broadly contains the meaning of what it means to claim Aboriginal identity in Australia and interestingly notes the negative connotations of colonialism. For a true understanding of Aboriginal identity and its relation to land rights, the study must look to the roots of the issue. At its very simplest then, as Gumbert (1984, p.xiii) notes, the founding of an English colony in 1788 led to the Aborigines losing their rights to their land. The loss of their land led to many generations of Aborigines losing their identity and their land. The suggestion here is that when Aboriginal people lost their land to the British in the 20th Century, they also lost their identity. This is because their own cultural knowledge shows a strong understanding that each of them is attached to the country that they are at one with each other. As Sarra (2010) notes, this is qualitatively different from the relationship to land that prevails in mainstream Australia. It can be instantly recogni sed then that the knowledge systems that the two groups demonstrate are undeniably different at their core, suggesting why there is such complex controversy surrounding the compatibility of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in the same vicinity. For the indigenous people, the land is part of them and they are part of the land, making their dispossession even more offensive and disrespectful. Anderson and Gale (1992, p.220) discuss the inextricable binding that the Aboriginal people have with the land, explaining that it is not an external physical object but has mythical significance to their culture. The colonial vision however demonstrated a significantly different view of land. Heathcote (1972, p.27) recognises three stages in which Western cultures had entirely different knowledge systems in relation to land: The first stage was the increased level of industrial machinery used to exploit the land and its resources in an unregulated fashion, the second stage encompassed the sa me exploitative framework but in a more technical, strategic fashion. The third stage has been influenced in recent years by an ecological vision that recognises the limited resources used and is becoming rebranded under the framework of sustainable development. While this framework is of great use in recognising an economic colonial knowledge system, the author fails to consider the socioeconomic uses of the land, limiting its vision. This does however, successfully show the exploitative system that was brought by the colonisers. This enhances the divide between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginal. It was then, in retrospect, seemingly inevitable that the struggle for land would always be fought by the indigenous people of Australia. There are undoubtedly a number of important events that have permeated this struggle and deserve recognition; however, rather than to generalise and dilute an examination of a range of different land claims and events over the course of history, the more significant examples will be discussed in detail to give a solid understanding of the issues. For example, one of the most significant movements that started Aboriginal land claims began in the 1960s with the Gurindji people, who in an effort to reclaim what they believed to be their land, left the areas which had been selected for them by the white people and instead moved back into an area which was legally owned by a British company (Gumbert, 1984, p.1). This powerful act demonstrated to the white people not only that they wanted their land back, but truly believed that the land belonged to them , and had done since to Dreamtime (which refers to the beginning of time for the Aboriginal people, an era in which spirits created the Earth (Flood, 1995, p.5)) . This movement became widely recognised as the Aboriginal land rights movement. It can be argued that this marked the beginning of the legal and political struggle for land and in effect, also demonstrates the real struggle that Aboriginal people have in showing white people what the land means to them. This strongly links to the Aboriginal knowledge systems and beliefs and again, their identity. To be Aboriginal is significantly different to what it means to be British or European. At the heart of each culture is a considerably different approach to many of the values of life, not least to the land. As has been demonstrated, from a whitemans perspective land is a commodity, a legal product to be bought and sold to each other whereas the indigenous people of Australia have a spiritual attachment to the land from the moment they are born (Morphy, 1983, p.110). It is these different knowledge systems that the research in Chapter 4 is interested in, as this has clearly been the issue for many generations between the two cultures. The fact that the term Aboriginal did not exist until European settlement is testimony to this (Brush, 1996, p.1). The issues faced by the indigenous communities are more often than not quantified into economic terms which is an entirely Westernised view of looking at issues. The argument here is that the current issues surrounding Aboriginal people are seen through a biased, Western perspective and do not therefore consider what is significant to the Aboriginal people themselves. In this sense, the cultural significance that they uphold regarding the land was ignored and in its place laws of displacement were put forth (Myers 1991, p.127). Through a cultural understanding of the land and its people, the environment can be significantly affected (Saggers and Gray, 1991, p.16) yet as demonstrated, the arrival of Europeans brought different customs that upset the Aboriginal traditions; political power and laws being a significant driving force for the dispossession of land. It is argued then that Aboriginal land rights would never come about through settlers learning about the land tenure systems of Aborigines and a constant declaration of their attachment to the land (Morphy, 1978 p, 39). It should be noted that as Australia became a colony of Britain it meant that it fell under British law instantly, unquestioned. Government policies brought to Australia instantly reduced Aboriginal people to aliens, giving them no legal stand point. This occurred to the extent that even their physical liberties were taken away from them. (Scholtz 2006, p.87). As Aboriginal people were increasingly displaced and rounded up into small, controllable areas, there was a clear sign that the white people were trying to convert the indigenous people to their own societal values and began to lose what was their own culture and practices, particularly in more urbanised areas (Gale, 1972, p62). The Queensland Act number 17 of 1987 permitted this rounding up of Aboriginals which allowed Parliaments to put them into reserves which gave great power over the indigenous people. Further to this in the Northern Territory in 1910, the Aborigines Act and, in New South Wales the Aborigines Protection Am ending Act 1915 was passed which gave the Chief Protector of the land legal powers and guardian status over Aboriginal children above and beyond the legal powers of the parent (Morphy 1991, p.32). This was obviously devastating to the Aboriginal community, yet was seen as a management scheme for white people against the Aboriginal problem. It was hoped by the white that by legally confining Aboriginal people to institutions it would decrease the risk of miscegenation and the black people would eventually die out. These political laws led to what is referred to as the Stolen Generation (Young, 2009, p.36) whereby children were taken from their parents and put into institutions. It was a way for white people to try and assimilate the blacks into their own customs. Robin argues that communities are still recovering from this attempt at assimilation, however this does not place more emphasis on the family attachments rather than the significance this has to land which is a slight weakne ss in the argument. Rather than understand the cultural difference, it has clearly been demonstrated that European settlers attempted to force their own laws upon the indigenous people of Australia, forcing them to lose their own culture and identity that had been with them for thousands of years (Broom and Jones, 1973, p.1). The argument for the stealing of the children was that it was to integrate the indigenous people to the rest of society yet for the most part the Aboriginals who were removed from their parents were in reality more displaced than the rest of their community. It meant that they were not brought up in the same community as people from their own cultural heritage, and were instead taught the customs of the Westernised world, leading only to further loss of culture and identity. As Maddock (1983. p.5) discusses, Aborigines can be seen as disadvantaged Australians in need of assistance if they are to step into the mainstream of life in this country. There was a severe lack of help for the indigenous community in terms of the law. They could also be viewed as a minority, distinctly different culturally from the rest of the country and maintained as best they could. This distinction was an attempt to retain what British law was trying to wipe out. Whichever view was taken, it was clear that legally, either would make a significant impact on laws and policies of the future for Aboriginals in Australia. It was extremely clear that Aboriginals wished to claim their land back whichever way it was viewed; however in 1970, Peter Nixon, Minister of the Interior, presented a speech that shook the Aboriginal community, creating a deep sense that something must be done (Dagmar, 1978, p.134). Nixon stated that Aboriginals should not be encouraged to demand ownership of la nd simply because previous generations from their families had an attachment to the land. They would then, have to claim land in a similar way to other Australians. Undoubtedly then, if the Aboriginal people wished not only to simply survive but to create a fairer livelihood for themselves then something ultimately had to be done. As the Europeans had entirely stuck to their own customs and laws then the Aboriginals realised the only way to create a lasting and permanent change was to bring the case to the courts. In June 1992, the High Court of Australia ruled in favour of the Mabo and Others v Queensland (No.2) case (or as it will be simply referred to, the Mabo case). This is undeniably one of the greatest achievements in recent history for Aboriginal communities all over Australia as it rejected the previous law of terra nullius that in essence was a term used to describe the land in a manner that allowed Britain to colonise the country; it did this by stating that the land had never been owned by a sovereignty, therefore nobody owned it (Kidd 2005, p.310). The case also agreed that there was such a notion of native title which meant Aborigi nal people were free to oppose the white people who had dispossessed them from their lands previously. This, of course, did not end Aboriginal plight overnight. There were still issues of validity surrounding whether the Aboriginals really did own the land previously and this is the issue further embedded in the Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) 1976. In the present day, existing property rights are based upon the written European law as opposed to oral traditions; can traditional land relationships to be a valid cause for ownership? There is no shortage of petitions from Aboriginal sources demonstrating a strong view that they are more than just legal, rightful owners of the land. As discussed, Aboriginal people believe they have more than simply a physical connection to the land but also a spiritual one. They believe that their relationship to it is part of divine history , and [he] loses sense when considered apart from his spiritual beliefs (Woodward, 1974 p.38). This meant that the opportunity to gain their land back was a way of preserving this spiritual link with the land, g iving back their sense of identity. These petitions demonstrate a view that they were invaded as the land was used without their permission. For example, the Gurindji (QUOTE) petition stated that the Aboriginal people have lived in these lands further back than memory serves and their cultures and sacred places have evolved in the lands. (Maddock, 1983 p.35) The important message here is that not only should the Aborigines legally own the land but it is also a moral right that it is theirs. The same can be said for the Yirrkala tribe who petitioned that the land taken from them was taken with disrespect as they had hunted for food there for thousands of years (Maddock, 1983, p.37). Even though Aboriginal Australians have been dispossessed from their lands for over two hundred years, they would still have no difficulty in knowing where the lands of their ancestors were which gives more depth to the argument that land rights should be based upon tradition (Bell 1993, p.115). As aforementioned, the meaning of property, as aforementioned, to the Aboriginal people is much different to them and has legally been extremely difficult to put into terms in English law as their view of country is one of identification rather than ownership. A land claim hearing then, is based upon history, dreaming sites and actions, continued use of and care and concern for the country Evidence is oral (Rose, 1991 p. 249). It would give an opportunity for the Aborigines to explain who they are, and why they believe they are right to claim the land back. This is referred to as traditional evidence and allows Land Commissioners to gain further knowledge from the Aboriginal communities; it a lso allows multiple systems of knowledge to be engaged without eradicating each other (Broome, 1996, p.52). To elaborate, the land rights Acts (Central Land Council, 2012) that have been lawfully submitted in Australia, are fairly open in the sense that they do specify any anthropological models that Aboriginal people must conform to in order to demonstrate their Aboriginality to the Land Commissioner and courts. This is a valid argument but Broome fails to note the irony in that the Aboriginal community must present themselves in a Westernised court of law. There is then, a paradoxically produced system. The post-Mabo era of land claims could become a cannon of authenticity for proof of land (Broome, 1996, p.53) yet this expectation to prove authentic Aboriginality could in other cases reduce Aboriginal communities even further should legal recognition of native title become rejected. It can be argued that the Acts have become paradoxical in that rather than giving freedom to Abori ginals, they actually give Westernised cultures in Australia the opportunity to silence the claims forever through a knowledge system produced by their own practices. Now that it has clearly been established that there is an opportunity for Aboriginal land rights to be discussed, we must look forward from the theoretical context. The following chapters discuss in a variety of ways how identity issues in relation to land rights have moved on in contemporary Australia, through a political, socioeconomic and cultural lens. There are clear themes of reconciliation and thorough discussions concerning the different types of knowledge systems presented in Australia today. Methodology As part of my degree, I had the amazing opportunity to study abroad for a year and I was lucky enough to study at Sydney University in Australia. Upon arrival I was blissfully unaware of the scale of the Aboriginal issues that permeate the everyday lives of the people around me in Sydney. I didnt think much more of it until quite early on in my year abroad three Aboriginals attempted to mug me in the street one night. When I spoke to my Australian friends about it nearly everybody replied Yeah, theyre a problem. Nobody however seemed willing to talk about the matter anymore, choosing rather to give a strangely vague answer and move on. Naturally I was shocked by the responses I received, provoking me to look further into the issue. I soon discovered that Aboriginal issues were deeply rooted in Australian history and most of it was bitter. I realised there were a wide range of contentious topics from education to heath and from the standard of living to outright racism. What struck me most however was the displacement most of the Aboriginals had faced over the past 200 years. With the Mabo case (Attwood, 1996, p.45) having just passed its 20th year since inception, I felt a strong desire to continue with this line of research to see what the impacts have been on both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. Surpassing this however, it became clear that the main issue for Aboriginal people was that the strong relationship they felt with the land had been taken from them when there was no permission granted for such dispossession of land, leaving them with a sense of identity loss. With this in mind I continued my research with a strong idea of the issues surrounding land rights and identity for Aboriginal people in Australia. 1. Aims There is a vital need to understand the relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people and the relationships each of these groups has with the land when concerning identity. While there is a focus on the relationships with non-Aboriginals, the research must gain a complete understanding of what it is to be an Aboriginal in contemporary Australia. The following research questions have therefore been devised : 1. What are the dominant impacts of land rights on both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people? 2. What are the differences and similarities in the views of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal knowledge systems concerning land rights and identity? 3. What are the future factors of change for Aboriginal people? 2. Methods The following methods have been chosen as the most effective way of documenting this construction of Aboriginality: Interviews Surveys Secondary data Photographs 3. Interviews After much consideration, it was decided that the best form of interview would be a semi-structured interview. This way it would allow me to ask questions in the style of an structured interview but also vary the questions should the interviewee seem to wish to talk more about one area than another (Silverman 2007, p.43). While there is this flexibility, the structure also allows me to bring the interview back to any particular matter I find more important should the interview go off topic slightly. While the questions are more general in their frame of reference from that typically found in a structured interview schedule (Bryman, 2008 p.196). When choosing whom to interview, it was clear that I must be very careful in the way that I approached the interviewee. This came to my attention when I was aggressively turned away from an Aboriginal land rights office by one of the members inside. In hindsight, it was naive of me to think that Aboriginal people would be so open to an intervi ew by a white (and British) student after they are under such pressure in society already. After this incident I approached the matter much more carefully, instead choosing to find contacts through members of staff at the University of Sydney. The following research from my interviews is based upon interviews with: Warwick Hawkins- A lecturer at Sydney University who teaches about Indigenous sport, education and culture. An Aboriginal himself, Warwick was a good choice from whom to get an academics viewpoint while also having vast knowledge on Aboriginal life. Darryl French- Head Community Development teacher at the Tranby Aboriginal College- An Aboriginal whos dream it is to get more Aboriginal students into Universities Mowan Garri- A groundsman at Komay Botany Bay National Park in Cronulla It is interesting to note that Mowan Garri, despite meeting prior to the interview, was still unwilling to take the interview face to face. This created some positives and negatives. Firstly, it meant that the interview had to be taken over the phone which initially worried me as I would not be able to engage in non-lexical observation during the interview. Shuy (2002) suggests that this may make the telephone interview inferior as interviewees do not fare as well when asked about sensitive issues. However, the interviewee chose the setting so I feel it was the correct decision as they felt most comfortable talking over the phone. I asked if I could record the conversation and permission was granted. There are of course many more advantages and disadvantages to telephone interviews; for example Frey (2004) believes that a telephone interview is not likely to be any longer than 25 minutes which may not be long enough to gather enough data yet a positive is that by not being in the sam e room, the respondents feel less inclined to respond to the interviewers non-lexical gestures and facial expressions, making them feel more at ease. It was having this in mind that made me believe that in order to make all the interviews fair, I would then have to do all the interviews over the telephone despite most other interviewees suggesting they were willing to have an interview face to face. I believe rapport was upheld well with all respondents and each were given a full briefing of the research proposal before hand so they were comfortable in the knowledge that their answers were not going to be taken out of context and used in a negative light. This, as Bechhofer and Paterson (2000, p.70) state, is extremely important in the interview process to minimise any manipulation. It was made clear from the outset that the research aim is to try to find a positive perspective on Aboriginal land rights and identity issues. It is necessary to address the reason for the respondents being the perfect candidates for this research. By choosing a lecturer from an Aboriginal background who has been through the tough Aboriginal education process, answers can be answered effectively on both a personal anecdotal manner and an academic framework. Warwick demonstrates a great influences on contemporary ideas, giving the answers depth and meaning in relation to future work. Darryl French is the head community development teacher at Tranby College in Sydney that takes up to 28 Aboriginal students a year, all of whom come from a struggling background as a consequence of the belligerent conditions they have been put under by the colonising British. This therefore has given me the opportunity to directly address research question 3 about what he believes the future concerns are for his students and local Aboriginal people. Mowan Garri was also an ideal candidate to interview as the Komay Botany Bay National Park employ s all Aboriginal workers which provides interesting thought for discussion and, despite not owning the land, demonstrated a clear connection to the park and its protection. 4. Surveys Surveys were further used to back up the initial interviews taken out. The survey was taken out in three parts, the first of which was given to a University class studying Indigenous Sport, Education and Culture. Survey one was taken in week one before any teaching had commenced and survey two was taken towards the end of the semester when the class was near the end of the teaching period. This was done in order to gain an understanding of the students knowledge of Aboriginal land right issues and identity problems both before and after the classes were taken. It will also give insight into whether this provides a positive or a negative impact on the views of those learning about the issues. As Blaikie (2000, p.29) states, a critical stage in any research is the process of selecting the people, events or items from which about the data will be collected. This is precisely why a great deal of thought was given to who should be the respondents of the surveys to give the best results. T he other chosen group for the third survey were the students of Tranby Aboriginal College. This, much like the interviews, was excellent for providing a compare and contrast view of knowledge systems between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. The surveys themselves, varied slightly with each setting but the core research questions were all asked in one form or another. Some questions were deemed inappropriate to ask both groups as they would provoke biased answers. Bias is always at the centre of surveys (Collier et al. 2004, p.101) and many precautionary measures were taken when phrasing certain questions correctly to ensure nobody was offended. The majority of the questions were open ended as the nature of the research asks for opinions and thoughts; simple yes or no questions were seen as unsuitable and they would not provide an in-depth account of the knowledge systems that were required. Despite the questions being open ended, the surveys were kept relatively short to avoid respondent fatigue. Without an interviewer present also, it allows the respondent to write more freely than if they were the subject of an interview. Furthermore, it reduces the researchers imposing ability on the participant (Stoecker 2005, p.39). Naturally, there are downsides to using a survey, for example the respondent can read the survey as a whole meaning that the answers are not truly answered independently of each other and they may find it difficult to answer a lot of questions. Of course there is also the risk of a low response rate. However, taking this into consideration a survey was seen as the most effective method as time restrictions did not allow for individual interviews and many of the Tranby College students were either unwilling to or could not attend a focus group session. 5. Secondary data To support the ideas expressed further, an extensive range of reliable secondary data will be drawn upon in order to express and reiterate the ideas and views shown by the interviewees and respondents to the surveys. Dale et al. (1988) argue that this form of data analysis is paramount to a research project as it provides high-quality data and allows opportunity to give views real depth and understanding in the context of Aboriginal issues in the wider community. By using this in tandem with primary research, I believe it gives the project as a whole a great anchor for any concluding arguments that are put forth. Government statistics are paramount to the research as clearly time and money constraints would not allow for my own research into Aboriginal demographics. It further gives opportunity to analyse unbiased data whereas all other primary research is subject to unavoidable bias, no matter how small. While the data may not address my research questions directly there will undoub tedly be statistics that are useful for the research. 6. Photographs Pictures can demonstrate many different emotions and encompass a vast amount of what an identity involves, therefore a range of photographs were taken and one in particular powerful photograph has been included to help exhibit the need for Aboriginal title and identity to be recognised in the wider community. The messages behind this particular photograph will be discussed in the Analysis chapter. Analysis of Research 1.Providing Background Knowledge Thus far, it has been necessary to provide an analytical background to the histories of Aboriginal land rights and cultural identities. Therefore in order to contextualise the analysis, there must initially be a base knowledge of the Aboriginal population to gain a true understanding of the qualitative size of their race in relation to the rest of the Australian population; it has been noted previously that the indigenous population of Australia is very small in comparison to the non-indigenou

Comparing Science and the Judicial System :: Biology Essays Research Papers

Comparing Science and the Judicial System Science and the Judicial System are two concepts that at face value seem to be very distinct and unique in their own nature, but their cores share interesting parallels. They each propose a different way of understanding how we comprehend and organize order and structure within institutions, yet they do so with similar strategies. In this paper I'll address my understanding of both, what characteristics they share and how these similarities prove them to be inextricably connected by what we call life and its connection to the human experience. Although Science is largely composed of observation, experiments and their results, it is often controversial because perspective and experience play a key role in how data is interpreted. And because perspective and experience undoubtedly vary with each person due to various reasons; how is it possible that we can assign concrete truths to such a varied conceptualization? Scientists fuse logic and philosophy. Traditional science often fails to provide theories and explanations for phenomenons that hold truth and validation in both a scientific context and the context of the human mind. I feel that Science often caters to only a "black and white" way of formulating answers; failing to recognize the gray areas. Often times people try to find the most common and accepted ways to support their theories and in doing so they adapt to the standard and more traditional ways of viewing the world. This leaves less room for creativity and exploration of the mind when trying to formulate "truth". "A body of assertions is true if it forms a coherent whole and works both in the external world and in our minds." Roger Newton (1) Much like science, the justice system in this country is very much based on experience. Although the understanding of these laws is largely composed of formal education, logic and reasoning, there is more to law then these solid and concrete aspects. Experience plays a key role because before obtaining any form of judicial authority one must practice and "get a feel" for what the position entails. Through these experiences one acquires a very personal and first hand knowledge and experience that is necessary before venturing out into his or her field. The judicial system poses a similar problem to that of traditional science. I believe the laws in our justice system are far too clear cut.

anitgone and tess of the durbervilles comparison on destiny :: essays research papers

In the play â€Å"Antigone†, Antigone’s demise is destined by the Gods of ancient Greece. However, in Tess of the D’Urbervilles† Tess endures many incidents and coincidences of misfortunes that mark the course of her tragic life, in which destiny does not play a role as it does in Antigone. Chance and coincdince can plague or bless any individual at any time.Thomas Hardy portrays chance and coincidence as having very significant roles in "Tess of the d'Urbervilles" continuously. Three such coincidences were quite influential and had significant effects on Tess's future. The first being that Tess Durbeyfield's father, discovered that their family came from the oldest, and once the most wealthiest family in England. This single decision, of sending Tess to the d'Urberville, and making her leave the sheltered life and town of Marlott that she had known for so long would be the change in her life that would lead to so many other events for her. Had Tess not been sent to the d'Urberville home, she would not have met Alec nor would she have bore his child out of wedlock and her life would have been completely different. Another event that occurs by mere chance in Tess's life is when Tess slips a letter of confession underneath both her lover's door and (by accident) the carpet, where he could not see it. Thus, Tess marries Angel under the impression that he has been informed of her past, when in fact he is ignorant of her former actions. After their marriage Tess enlightens Angel of her previous affairs when she realizes he has not received her letter and is surprised by his extremely disgusted reaction. Angel is regretful to have been informed of Tess’s past after he has married her, as he now feels he has morally wronged in marrying an impure woman. As they had vowed, Tess and Angel stay married, although Angel cannot forgive Tess for her actions, and thus they separate temporarily. The coincidence in which the letter slipped under the carpet lead to Angel and Tess’s strained relationship. Tess’s self-esteem suffered and she was left emotionally unstable and distressed. Tessâ €™s state of mind allowed Alec to eventually persuade Tess to marry her, and in subsequent connected events leads to Tess’s tragic death. The final coincidence would be the death of Tess's father, which not only leaves Tess in a state of deprivation, but also the rest of her family, including her mother and six siblings.

Abstinence-only vs. Abstinence-plus Essay example -- Social Issues, Se

There are many problems facing teenagers these days. None are bigger than the issue of underage sex, and all the issues stemming from it. The number of teenagers becoming sexually active, pregnant, and contracting sexually transmitted diseases are rapidly on the rise. There is no simple fix, or easy solution to this problem. Sex education should begin at home, and extend to include an effective program in schools that reinforce a clear message of abstaining from sexual activity in addition to informing students of the risks posed by engaging in sexual activity. The political, and religious dissension on this issue has resulted in a procedural stalemate preventing schools from effectively addressing the problem, and implement a comprehensive sex-education program that benefits young adults in Texas and the rest of the United States. Abstinence-Only programs are currently the most used in public schools, but this method is seriously out-dated and does not aptly deal with the issue that teenagers are participating in underage sex regardless of whether they have been told that they should not. Without the proper information, teenagers are blindly making a decision about having sex that could impact their lives in far many more ways than they can fathom, most not fully understanding the ramifications of their decision. The implementation across the nation of a comprehensive Abstinence-Plus program teaching: abstinence, health risks, birth control, teen pregnancy, and providing students with information and birth control is exactly what is needed. Strong emotions, and opinions are found on both sides of this argument, but the fact of the matter is that Abstinence-Only programs are insufficient in educating teenagers ab... ...neffective in changing teen sexual behavior, this is good news for thousands of Texas teens and their parents.† An increase over 200% in less than three years is encouraging and hopefully those numbers continue to grow. Drastic changes need to be made the nations current policies on sex education in schools. More information needs to be provided to the students, and their parents in order to effectively educate them both on the risks of underage sex and the importance of being thoroughly educated in a comprehensive Abstinence-Plus method. Politicians and law-markers need to stop arguing their point and open their eyes to the very real reality that more, and more teenagers are engaging in sexual activity. Young adults are going to learn about sex; the question is will we control when and how they receive the information or will we leave it up to them.

Contemporary occupational health and safety Essay

What role did the state, the employers and the workers play in establishing the contemporary occupational health and safety regime? In the 1960s workers in the United States sought state laws to compensate their disabilities due to poor working conditions that lead to Black lung disease. The workers were successful and this win was instrumental in passing the 1970s United States Occupational Health & Safety act, and subsequent policies in other countries including Canada. This paper will discuss the events that took place following this important act. workers, State and Employers role A surge in workers injuries led to young workers demanding improved health and safety conditions. Although employers initially denied the poor working conditions and rejected requests for testing of harmful substances, the workers were persistent and eventually brought awareness and reform to industrial safety concerns. A critical event in Canada’s Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) movement took place in 1973 when a large amount of mine workers were diagnosed with cancer from exposure to dangerous materials at work. This led to a worker strike and resulted in the mining company and workers coming to an agreement that addressed both worker and union concerns with toxic substances. The workers believed that the government should be their health and safety monitor, and felt that up until this point the government had failed to look after the workers interests. In 1974, the acting government (Progressive Conservative Party) was pressured by the New Democrat Party (NDP) and the United Steel Workers Association to establish a Royal Commission into the health and safety rights of Ontario’s workers. This led to a report that called for government action for OHS policies and legislation. conclusion There were many factors that contributed to the OHS movements, but none as important as the workers fight. Robert Storey (2005) discussed some of the  key aspects in his paper ‘Activism and the making of occupational health and safety in Ontario’: â€Å"The health and safety movement that began to take shape in the late 1960s and early to mid 70s represented a mixture of several unique ingredients. First activism was based almost exclusively in mining and secondary industry, especially steelmaking and workplaces that utilized asbestos in the fabrication of their products. Always among the most dangerous and unhealthy places to work, the attempts by employers in these sectors to speed up production were resulting in notable increases in accidents and injuries. Second the workers who took out the health and safety cause any sectors were young working class males.† He discussed as the young men became aware of their parents poor health conditions, it raised their interest towards their own health and the need for better work conditions. It was their unwillingness to accept injury, disease and death caused by poor work conditions, that led to the safety regulations that Canadian workers benefit from today. References Storey, Robert (2005) Activism and the making of occupational health and safety in Ontario, 1960s-1980 Policy and Practice in Health and Safety (pp 41-68) Essay 1.2 – Why are some workplace hazards and conditions more readily recognized than others? In particular, discuss the issues of women in the workplace and workplace pollution. Workplace Hazards A workplace hazard is a dangerous situation that exposes a worker to potentially harmful condition. Workplace hazards can be identified in several categories including physical hazards (tripping), biological hazards (exposure to viruses), chemical hazards (exposure to toxic chemical) and though it is often overlooked, psychosocial hazards (verbal abuse). Through the industrial revolution, workers were exposed to new technologies that resulted in new and increased workplace hazards. However it is not only the technology that caused these hazards, but also the competitive nature of  capitalism to minimize costs, at the cost safety and working conditions. Foster (2011, page 5) also point out that â€Å"the use of new chemicals and compounds also brings a new kind of hazard to the workplace – the occupational illness†. Women in the Workplace We often relate workplace hazards to jobs that involve large machinery and extreme working conditions. However working as a Hotel housekeeper changing bedding all day or doing data entry in an office can also be hazardous to the workers health, it is just not as easily recognized. Foster (2011, page 15) states that â€Å"In general, men and women do perform different types of work, but the differences in their reported injury rates are not because one type of work is less dangerous than the other. The discrepancies are due mainly to our gendered notions of work, danger, and the human body, and so we need to look at work and its hazards differently. Of the disabling injury claims in Alberta in 2008, only 27 percent were women even though women make up 45 percent of the workforce. Because the male dominated jobs like working construction are viewed as more dangerous, these types of jobs are more likely controlled with health and safety standards and hazards more easily recognized and reported. Workplace Pollution Workplace pollution is the presence of hazardous materials within a workplace that may get in contact with people while performing their job. Such workplace pollutants may affect both the worker’s and surrounding communities health. Foster (2011, page 10) explains that workplace pollution differs from other hazards â€Å"both in its nature and its consequences for workers†. Physical hazards (ie: falling off a platform or cutting your hand) are easily recognized, but workplace pollutants are difficult to recognize as they are often odorless, silent or invisible. Exposure to hazardous materials can occur through breathing polluted air, contact with toxic materials, accidental ingestion of toxins or excessive noise that can affect a worker’s hearing. The most common workplace pollution occurs from breathing polluted air. A large amount of workplace illnesses go unreported, as even the workers and doctors may not be able to make the connection of their illness to exposure to toxins in the workplace. What further complicates this, is when symptoms don’t appear for years after exposure.  Other issues with properly identifying the cause of illness is that the science behind a condition may be unknown or contested, or the fact that exposure to toxins can result in a variety of side effects depending on the individual. Conclusion There are several ways to improve workplace hazards for jobs that are not easily recognized as dangerous, such as the ones we discussed above. However it is not an easy solution. As women have been striving for equal rights and equal pay among many other things when it comes to our male counterparts, this sometimes comes with a catch. For example there may be specific safety concerns for a pregnant women to perform a physically demanding job, that would not be a concern for a male. By requesting special treatment for a pregnant women, it weakens women’s equality efforts. In my opinion, decreasing workplace pollution is a little more straight forward, especially with new technologies available. Monitoring equipment and laboratory testing can test for avoid workplace pollutants, that would lead to severe health issues to workers and potentially surrounding communities. As social responsibility is an increasingly important part of a company image to the social and investment community, it helps workplace hazards get the attention, funding and education required to reduce workplace hazards. References Foster, J (2011). Industrial Relations 308, Study Guide Athabasca University Unit 1 Notes Workplace Pollution. Retrieved May 5, 2013 http://www.environmentalpollutioncenters.org/workplace/ Workplace Hazards. Retrieved May 5, 2013 http://humanservices.alberta.ca/working-in-alberta/3109.html

Kwame Anthony Appiah’s “The role of religion” Essay

Kwame Anthony Appiah, author of â€Å"The case for contamination† focuses on three main interrelated issues throw out his essay. Globalization, cultural diversity, and ethical consideration. Religion plays two major roles within this issues, claims made by people in favor of globalization and those against it. Religion can be used positively to protect culture in the idea of globalization, in the same way it can be a double-edge sword when relating to the role it plays in the issues at hand. Religion is a great way for individuals to keep in touch with their traditions as the process of globalization gets larger. Sipho is a very religiouse Zulu man, from the province of South Africa of KwaZulu-Natal. He was raised with strong traditions from his culture, but still has encounter and been affected by globalization in ways such as the television. He was heavily influenced by the soap opera â€Å"Days of Our Lives.† Sipho explains how the show helped him fix his relationshi p with his father, but certain aspects of the show like women dating before 20 were still completely unacceptable as it went against his believes and those of his people (Appiah 40). The role of religion in the process of globalization can also harm the situation. Preservationists fear globalization, and are scared it will negatively impact they’re culture. Every single human life is different from one another. We range from sex, religion and different cultural backgrounds, but still were all connected to one another no matter how we look at it, as deep inside were all the same. Whether it be throw media or conversation, were constantly being exposed to new ideas that help us transition better to change. Conversation is an important factor in social growth. We must learn what every individuals definition of living a normal life is before we can open our minds and learn to tolerate each other’s different rituals and ideals. Appiah is not saying to agree with every other cultural practice u come across, but throw conversation we can see different views on the  subject and grow to accept the values of our fellow brothers and sisters. Liberal cosmopolitanism is based on the premise of universal human dignity. It follows the idea that every human being has responsibilities to every other. Appiah’s father was a patriot of Ghana, Appiah explains how he remembers his father’s teaching that he was a citizen of the world. That he should work for the good of the places where he set tent, weather it had been for just a moment or a lifetime. Appiah is highly critical about emphasizing how humans can learn from the open mind examinations of alternative achievements. He recognizes the important values of localism and moderate nationalism. In his paper he quotes his favorite philosopher John Stuart Mill: â€Å"there is no nation that doesn’t need to borrow from others, not only particular arts or practices, but essential points of character in which its own type is inferior† (Appiah 62). Appiah believes humans have a common nature ranging from individual variations. This idea relates to his criticism of moral relativism. It is expected for principles like toleration, individualism, and benevolence to be of universal acceptance as the basics of a civilize organization, yet it’s 2015 and we still see countries killing one another for religious believes or being underappreciated for their sex or race.A proverb from Ghana Appiah’s home town renders: â€Å"In a single political order there is no wisdom† (Kuro koro mu mni nyansa.) In this world, there are so many different cultures and ethicnicities that it is impossible for us to decide what the correct way of living actually is. Another great example Appiah gives us on how society has changed in the last twenty years, look at the ideals behind gay marriage. Not too long ago Homosexuality was always kept hidden from everyone as it was viewed wrong. Now it is legal in most states to the point where they can actually get married. It’s a fact that as people become more confident about themselves it becomes more acceptable the more time passes by. When a person opens they’re mind towards the views of another they will come to peace in mind, as there is no right or wrong answer to any believe or tradition. Religion is a gate for us to feel at peace mentally and spiritually. Is a beautiful thing rich in faith and values, but with so many different believes all over the world no matter what our believes are it is crucial for us to love and accept one another.  In the end, were humans and all the same inside and out. Work Cited 1. Appiah, Kwame Anthony. â€Å"The Case For Contamination.† The New York Times. The New York Times, 31 Dec. 2005. Web. 15 Feb. 2015. 2. â€Å"Anthony Appiah â€Å"The Case for Contamination†Ã¢â‚¬  Google Docs. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Feb. 2015. 3. â€Å"Will Dixon’s ECO 108 Site: Critical Analysis: The Case for Contamination.† Will Dixon’s ECO 108 Site: Critical Analysis: The Case for Contamination. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Feb. 2015.

Introduction to Psychological Testing Essay

Psychological tests are common tools used by schools, hospitals, companies, and other institutions in order to assess the personality of a particular person. Such tests apprise individuals of their personalities, including their behaviors and what they are capable of doing. The history of personality assessment is very long. It might be possible that assessing personality had been of existence since the time a man tried to assess the personality of a stranger for the first time. However, formally assessing personality first became popular in the beginning and the end of World War II. The first tests were paper-and-pencil group tests which consisted of multiple choice and true-or-false questions administered to a large group (Kaplan, et al, 2005). What is a Test? According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, a test is a critical evaluation or observation. It is also a procedure wherein a statement is being submitted and subjected for acceptance or rejection. Basically, it is a procedure. As related to psychology, it is used to measure skill, intelligence, capacities, or aptitudes of an individual or a group (Test, n. d. ). Categories of Psychological Testing See more: how to write an academic introduction Basically, there are two categories of psychological tests. According to a book entitled, â€Å"Psychological Testing: A practical Introduction†, the two categories are Normal Personality Traits, and Clinical Instruments (Hogan, 2007). The similarities between these two categories involve the nature of the test items and the response formats. Both tests use simple statements as test items, as well as response items. Basically, these items can easily be answered by a simple response such as yes or no. The second similarity is that these categories are subcategorized into comprehensive instruments and specific domain instruments. The aim of the comprehensive clinical instruments is to survey all potential areas of difficulty. In order to do so, these tests produce numerous scores. The specific domain instruments however, focus in only one particular area such as depression, anxiety, or eating disorders. These tests produce only one type of score or a few number of closely related scores. Both normal personality traits and clinical instruments also involve similar strategies for development such as criterion-keying and both have the same stand on faking and responses. Aside from similarities, the two categories of psychological tests also have a number of differences. Firstly, normal personality traits focus on the normal range of personality while clinical instruments focus on the psychopathological aspects or some psychological difficulty. Most of the time, clinical instruments are administered individually, while normal personality traits are administered in a group setting. Clinical instruments are commonly used for diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up evaluation. Normal personality traits such as the NEO PI-R do not have that kind of characteristic (Hogan, 2007). Reliability and Validity Reliability of a psychological test means that the results should be consistent. If a person, for example, takes a test, the result of that specific test should be consistent for a considerable period of time. If in any way the result of a test is not the same with an already proven reliable test for a particular person, then that test is not reliable. Thus, reliability is proven with the use of a coefficient correlation between the test scores of the first testing and the second testing. The correlation coefficient (r) is a numerical summary of the relationship indicated in a bivariate distribution. This is computed by defining first the formula for r and computing its raw score (Hogan, 2007). The coefficient for a perfect reliability is +1. 0 while a coefficient of 0. 0 means no reliability. Reliability can also be determined by comparing two psychological measures (McCurley, et al. , 2005). The difference of reliability from validity is that validity is determined whether a particular test is appropriate for the condition to be measured. It is important that an intelligence test should measure and intelligence and a personality test measure personality. The American Psychological Association issued a book entitled, â€Å"Educational and Psychological Tests and Manuals† in order to help practitioners in the field of testing determine the validity of a certain test (McCurley, et al. , 2005). It should be noted that it would be inappropriate to refer to the validity of a test in itself. Rather, what should be referred to be the interpretation of the scores, whether it fits the particular purpose. A test may be suitable for a particular condition, but not to another. The question should be asked is if the interpretation of scores of a test fully addressed the level of the condition. Also, validity is not a matter of degree, as according to Hogan. It is necessary that what should be known is the extent of the validity for a particular condition, since some tests may have no validity at all (Hogan, 2007). Reliability and validity have their own significance in psychological testing. Reliability makes sure that tests are consistent and can be used universally to a large number of population. It also makes comparing test results easier since these are standardized and their relationships are already proven appropriate. A test may have reliability without having validity. However, both are essential in determining accurately every individual’s psychological condition. Validity requires that the test is truly measures the entity it intends to measure. It is difficult to determine validity (McCurley, et al. , 2005). However, it is important that each test accurately measures what it intends to measure. Validity and reliability are interdependent in establishhing a trully effective psychological test.